Since the late 1980s, the midwestern and southern United States have witnessed high levels of immigration from Mexico, Central America, Asia, and Africa; census figures on immigration in some regions display increases of several hundred percent from 1990 to 2000. During the 1990s, research generally focused on changes taking place in new receiving communities as a result of concerted efforts by employers to recruit immigrants into rural industries such as meatpacking, seafood processing, and poultry processing (Stull, Broadway, and Griffith 1995; Grey 1999; Griffith 1993; Fink 2003). These recruitment efforts built on and at times mirrored techniques common in agriculture (Commission on Agricultural Workers 1993; Hahamovich 1997; Griffith et al. 1995). Subsequent studies have considered the network basis of labor recruitment, relations between labor supplies and housing stock, the growth and human consequences of labor subcontracting, occupational injury and the problem of high labor turnover, and other dimensions of rural labor markets experiencing high levels of immigration. With few exceptions (for example, Benson 1990), researchers paid less attention to the processes by which immigrants elaborated their residence within communities: enrolling children in school, attending church, accessing health care, and generally settling in. Coincidental with settlement, new immigrants have been moving out of traditional occupations such as agriculture and food processing and into construction, tourism, fast-food services, and manufacturing, and have also been engaging in entrepreneurial activities oriented toward other immigrants. Social dispersion into schools, churches, adult education programs, human rights organizations, ethnic organizations, and other settings has accompanied the geographical and economic dispersion, and related to these processes has been a fundamental change in immigrant groups, from primarily young, single males to families, including women, children, and elderly. At the same time, new sending areas have developed in Latin America, Asia, and Africa, introducing more indigenous language speakers and more ethnic diversity into migrant streams. Finally, in both new and old receiving areas, more complex class and ethnic relations among immigrants and between immigrants and natives have developed in response to pressing problems such as housing, health care, translation services, and immigrant consumption patterns. This chapter draws on two and a half years of research on new immigrants in four new American destination areas: southwestern Minnesota, focusing primarily on the town of Marshall and other nearby communities; Marshalltown, in central Iowa; southeastern North Carolina; and the town of Adel and surrounding areas of Cook County, Georgia. This research, funded by the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Fund for Rural America Program, consisted of initial site visits to ten American communities and subsequent ethnographic and survey research in six: two in the South, two in the Midwest, and two on the West Coast. In addition to conducting research in the four communities listed, I also conducted site visits in Wachula, Florida, and Beaufort County, North Carolina, and my colleague, Ed Kissam, conducted research in Arvin, California, and Woodburn, Oregon. I was thus responsible for five of the ten initial site visits and four of the six subsequent case studies. Following a brief overview of the four communities under consideration here, I discuss several dimensions of new immigration in these areas, including the role of historical reporting, the importance of the food industry, the key integrating practices of churches, work places, schools, and health systems, and processes of differentiation occurring within immigrant groups. Copyright © 2008 by Russell Sage Foundation. All rights reserved.